Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit India on December 4-5. The visit is part of the annual bilateral summit which started in 2000, and there have been 22 such summits alternatively in India and Russia. The visit is set to reinforce “special and privileged strategic partnership”, and exchange views on regional and global issues amid increasing Western pressure on India. This visit will be Putin’s first to India since the Ukraine conflict began in February 2022, underscoring its importance. Modi and Putin had last met on September 1 in Tianjin, China, on the sidelines of the SCO leaders’ summit. The diplomatic groundwork for Putin’s visit has been underway between Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, and their teams.
President Putin has made nine visits to India, three during PM Modi’s tenure (2016, 2018 and 2021). This December will be his 10th. Interestingly, Putin has made 22 visits to China. PM Modi has made seven visits to Russia, in contrast to ten to the USA since he became PM in 2014. A few US visits were to the United Nations. Putin-Modi friendly chemistry has been visible in their body language.
Despite the threat of sanctions and increased tariffs, PM Modi’s government kept pursuing strategic autonomy and reaffirming and strengthening its longstanding strategic ties with Russia. Meanwhile, Trump has proposed a 28-point Ukraine peace plan that evolved from the August 15, Trump-Putin summit in Alaska. Barring a few, it meets most of Russia’s requirements. Peace in Ukraine is important for the world and especially for India.
Expectations around Putin’s visit are high. Military aviation deals are the most hyped. How will the Russian offer of make-in-India Su-57 be taken forward? The issue of pending S-400 deliveries and additional systems is the hot topic. Will India pitch for the formidable S-500 system? Acceleration of the BrahMos missile program could be discussed. Russia will want to be a very significant part of the Su-30 MKI upgrade. Russia would want India to revisit the joint production of Medium Transport Aircraft (MRA). As India’s Light Utility Helicopter (LUH) struggles, Russia would want India to go back to the Ka-226T option for which an MoU already exists. Joint production of Sukhoi Superjet 100 (SJ-100) airliner could be taken forward through a statement at apex level. It could mean the beginning of a new era of co-development rather than a traditional buyer-seller arrangement.
Indo-Russian Relations – Tried Tested and Strong
Despite American pressure in the last four years to distance itself from Russia, Indo-Russian friendship continued to stand on firm footing. India remained neutral on the Ukraine conflict. Most Indian intellectuals felt that the West had pushed Russia into a corner by moving NATO eastwards and very close to Russia. Conditions were thus created forcing Russia to invade Ukraine. Indian masses were visibly inclined towards Russia. Despite the US threat of Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), India did go ahead with the S-400 deal with Russia. Despite Western sanctions and tacit pressures, India stepped up petroleum purchases from Russia and found alternate currencies to trade.
India-Soviet cooperation began in the 1950s with steel plants, large infrastructure including dams, nuclear plants, and cooperation in space. Most enduring of these has been the defence equipment purchases by India. At the peak, Indian armed forces had nearly 80 percent defence hardware of Soviet/Russian origin, and the figure still remains at 60 percent. India did look towards the West for sourcing some high-end military hardware, and also to balance the basket.
In August 1971, as an insurance against a possible US or China threat to support Pakistan in the Indo-Pak war, the Soviet Union signed a treaty of friendship and cooperation with India. This has since become the India-Russia Strategic partnership, and includes summit and 2+2 dialogue levels. India and Russia also work closely at BRICS, SCO, and RIC among other forums.
Both wanted to take the relationship to the next level. “The bond between the people of Russia & India is very strong. Our nations have stood by each other through thick and thin,” PM Modi had said during his last visit to Russia.
Military aviation remains the biggest Indo-Russian “Bear Hug” with most significant hardware transfers.
The Initial Military Aviation Connection
In the mid-1950s, the Indian Air Force (IAF) received Ilyushin IL-14 turbo-prop medium cargo aircraft. Mi-4 helicopters were inducted starting in the early 1960s and became part of the military ‘folklore’ after the ‘Megna’ river crossing operation in the 1971 war. Around the same time, 10-ton payload class An-12 transport aircraft were inducted. These were used in the 1962 war for airlifting army reinforcements. In the 1971 war they were also used for heavy bombing.
In 1962, the Soviets agreed to transfer technology to produce the MiG-21 aircraft in India, something they had earlier denied to China. Nearly 11,500 MiG-21s were built around the world. India inducted or built more than 1,200. Soviets helped India set up MiG factories in the early 1960s. Three new divisions of the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) were created at Nasik (aircraft), Koraput (engines) and Hyderabad (avionics). These factories were to later build, overhaul and upgrade all types of Russian aircraft.
The Fighter Aircraft
In the mid-1960s, the IAF also inducted swept-wing high-speed Sukhoi SU-7B strike aircraft. The swing-wing MiG-23 aircraft and its air defence variant, MiG-23MF, joined the IAF in the early 1980s. A more advanced strike variant of the MiG-23, the MiG-27, was inducted in 1986, and these were assembled in India and later upgraded.
Soviets developed MiG-29s and Su-27s in the 1970s to counter the American F-16 and F-15 aircraft. The highly manoeuvrable MiG-29 with a modern airborne radar and a host of advanced air-to-air missiles joined the IAF in the mid-1980s. Upgraded variants of these will continue to fly for at least a decade more.
125 MiG-21 Bis (Bison) aircraft were upgraded jointly with Russia starting in the late 1990s. The MiG-21 Bison fleet retired in September 2025.
Nearly 45 percent of the IAF’s fighter fleet currently is made up of the air superiority fighter Sukhoi SU-30MKI. Jointly developed with Russia, in early 2000, it is under license production by HAL. Nearly 272 were inducted and these will soon see a major upgrade.
Russia has pitched in two aircraft for India’s 114 aircraft MRFA project that has still to unfold fully. The MiG-35 was earlier a part of the 126 aircraft Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA), and has been evaluated. The Su-35 is the second aircraft. The aircraft is part of the Su-27/30 family. China has bought 24 Su-35s.
The Transport & Rotary Wing Fleet
Specially made for the IAF, An-32 medium transport aircraft started inducting in 1984. Of the 125 bought, nearly 100 aircraft are still operating, and have been upgraded. The IAF also acquired the 40-ton-plus payload multi-purpose four-engine strategic airlifter IL-76. The IAF continues to operate the IL-76MD (freighter), IL-78MKI (Air Refueller) and the ‘A-50’ with Israeli Phalcon radar as AEW&C. IL-76s along with An-32 are the workhorse of the IAF and logistically sustain the Indian Army in the Northern Himalayas and for inter-theatre air transportation.
Mid-sized utility and assault helicopters Mi-8s joined the IAF in the early 1980s. Capable of carrying up to 24 troops, they were also used for VVIP communication duties. Subsequently, more advanced versions Mi-17, Mi-17-1V and Mi-17V-5s followed. Significant numbers of Mi-17s are also being acquired by the Home Ministry for BSF. The IAF also acquired heavy-lift Mi-26 helicopters, three of which are still operating. The first dedicated attack helicopters of the IAF, Mi-25/35, were acquired in 1983.
Missiles and Maritime Assets
India also got its first set of missiles from the Soviets. K-13 was the first generation air-to-air missile that came with MiG-21s. R-73, R-27 and R-77 RVVAE were among those that followed. Similarly, SA-2 (Dvina) was India’s first Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM). SA-3 Pechora and SAM-8 joined the armed forces later. The state-of-the-art jointly developed Indo-Russian BrahMos cruise missile is already inducted in the Indian armed forces in large numbers. The IAF has also inducted the formidable S-400 air defence system. Three units have been delivered and the remaining two systems will induct by 2026.
By the early 1980s, the Indian Navy’s air arm was dominated by many types of Russian maritime fixed and rotary wing aircraft. These included Ilyushin IL-38, Tupolev Tu-142M, and many Kamov Ka-25, Ka-28 and Ka-31 helicopters. Aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya (Ex Russian Gorshkov) is an important element of the long Russian aviation connection with the Indian Navy. The navy also inducted aircraft carrier-capable MiG-29Ks.
Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft
In 2007, Sukhoi and HAL signed a contract to jointly develop a Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA). In 2010, both agreed on a preliminary design contract where each country was to invest $6 billion. The development of the FGFA was expected to take 8–10 years. By 2014, there were issues related to performance, cost, and work share. India eventually left the partnership in 2018. Russia pursued the program, and today has the much successful Su-57 “Felon” impressing spectators and professionals around the world. Russia’s single-engine and smaller Su-75 “Checkmate” also looks attractive but is still under development.
Su-57 – “Mother of All Offers
At the Dubai Airshow, Moscow has made what officials describe as its most significant military proposal to India in years. The one that could potentially reshape the future of Indian air power. Moscow announced an offer of full licensed production of the Su-57 fifth-generation stealth fighter in India, along with unrestricted transfer of technology, the level of access no Western defence partner has ever offered India. Russia is proposing an initial supply of Su-57E fighters produced in Russia, followed by manufacturing in India with increased indigenous content. This would mean far beyond assembly from imported kits. Russia is willing to open the entire fifth-generation ecosystem, which includes engines, sensors, stealth materials, avionics and other classified systems. Russia is also prepared to provide technological learning in areas such as fifth-generation engines, optics, AESA radar, artificial intelligence, low-signature technologies and advanced air weapons, many of which have been denied by the West. The reported base price of the aircraft is unbelievably as little as $45 million. The real price will be clear only when the pen is put on the paper and the contract is signed.
Indo-Russian MTA Project
The United Aircraft Corporation (UAC) of Russia, and HAL of India began a joint venture in 2009, to build a Medium Transport Aircraft (MTA). Each side pitched in US$300 million in the project. The aircraft was intended to replace the IAF’s Antonov An-32 transport aircraft. India would acquire 45 aircraft and Russia 105. Both governments agreed to produce the aircraft for their respective armed forces and for friendly third-party countries, and to develop a civilian variant of the MTA in the form of a 100-seater passenger airplane, for which HAL will be the lead partner and principal integrator.
The 20-ton payload twin-engine aircraft was a smaller Il-76 look-alike platform with an expected range of 2,500 kilometres. In January 2016 it was announced that due to technical reasons, India‘s HAL would no longer be involved in the project and that Russia was proceeding with the project alone. The aircraft designated as Ilyushin Il-276 is now being developed by UAC. In February 2023, on the sidelines of the Aero India 2023 airshow, a Russian delegation from Rostec held talks with Indian officials on the possibility of the joint development of the Il-276. However, India would prefer the aircraft to come with a European engine instead of a Russian engine, which is unlikely to be possible for Russia to propose. The payload capacity has to be 18 to 30 tonnes. As Russia continues to push the case for the Il-276 which can carry 20 tons, the other contenders for India’s Make-in-India MTA are the Airbus A-400, Lockheed Martin C-130 and Embraer C-390.
Ka-226T for India
The Ka-226T is a light, multi-role helicopter that India and Russia agreed to jointly produce in India, but the project has faced delays. The deal, signed in 2015, aimed to manufacture 200 helicopters for the Indian armed forces, but disagreements over technology transfer, indigenous content, and costs have held up the full implementation. As India’s own Light Utility Helicopter (LUH) faces development delays, Russia continues to pitch the helicopter, and a manufacturing facility was built in Tumakuru, the project’s future remains uncertain, partly due to recent changes like the development of an indigenous Russian engine.
Russia Proposes SJ-100 Airliner
India’s HAL has signed a memorandum of understanding with Russia’s UAC for the manufacture of the Sukhoi Superjet 100 (SJ-100) in India. The agreement was signed recently in Moscow, paving the way for the first joint production of civilian aircraft in the history of the two countries. Under the new agreement, HAL would have the right to produce the Sukhoi Superjet 100 (SJ-100) for domestic customers in India. Domestic airlines will need to be brought on board to ensure commercial viability. Once the sanctions on Russia and high tariffs on India gradually ease over time, it will be possible to get international certifications such as FAA (Federal Aviation Administration) and EASA (European Union Aviation Safety Agency) approvals for flying on international routes.
Possible Discussion Points during Putin Visit
S-400 deliveries of the remaining two systems is clearly on the cards. Putin and Modi will try find a way for balance payments. A contract will be signed for additional S-400 missiles that have already been cleared by New Delhi. India will push for five additional S-400 units and the same may be announced. India may also show interest for S-500 AD system. There may be a statement on further accelerating and expanding the BrahMos missile program. India may also seek the R-37M long-range air-to-air missiles to be integrated on Su-30 MKI.
Russia may seek joint upgrade of Su-30 MKI. Recently, India ordered 12 additional Sukhoi SU-30 MKI worth $1.5 billion. India also placed an order for 240 Lyulka-Saturn AL-31FP aero-engines worth $3.05 billion. Though both orders are with HAL, they will require major supplies from Russia. The engines are being built from the raw material stage with technology transfer from Russia, and some spares, forgings and castings are expected to be imported. There have been reports that negotiations are on between India and Russia for exporting Indian-produced, Russia-supported, Su-30 MKIs to global customers.
Discussion on make-in-India Su-57 may be the flagship subject on the table. The timing of the offer is significant. IAF head, Air Chief Marshal AP Singh had stated that the IAF needs to induct 35 to 40 fighter aircraft every year for the next two decades to close squadron gaps. He has linked this requirement to India’s long-term manufacturing goals under Roadmap 2047. While India must push its own AMCA fifth-generation aircraft program, that will take some time and an interim option perhaps needs to be exercised. India cannot afford funding two make-in-India fifth-generation programs. India may choose to purchase 2 to 4 squadrons. This will be important to keep regional balance as Pakistan too will get Chinese J-35 aircraft very soon.
Russia could also make the offer of the Tu-160M strategic bomber. There are some who believe that these will be very relevant to handle the China threat. Russia would want India to revisit the Joint Venture to make the Ka-226T Light Utility Helicopter (LUH) in India. Russia would also expect a more formal Indian position on the SJ-100 regional jet. There could be working-level discussions on Russian support for India‘s forthcoming first human space flight, the Gaganyaan Mission.
There could be discussions on the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. Only two of the six units are operational, and there have been significant cost and time overruns. Discussions on “Chakra III” third nuclear-powered attack submarine that India is leasing from Russia would be important as the timelines have currently slipped to 2028. Russia will push to partner in India‘s AIP submarine program and offer to jointly design and develop conventional submarines with advanced technology access, as part of P-75I project, even though India has nearly chosen the German route.
Recently two frigates, the INS Tushil and INS Tamala, were built by Russia at the Yantar Shipyard, while the remaining two are being constructed at the Goa Shipyard Ltd (GSL) in India through technology transfer. Russia is reportedly expanding its shipbuilding cooperation with India, with two Indian shipyards being considered for construction of four non-nuclear icebreakers. Russian shipbuilding officials have offered New Delhi their nuclear-powered design for an Indian Navy’s aircraft carrier, according reports. These subjects could find mention in the final document. GSL is to also construct 24 river-sea class cargo ships for Russian clients in the Caspian Sea by 2027. Cooperation with India in shipbuilding has its benefits for Russia as the unit cost per vessel is projected to be half of what it would cost Russian shipbuilders.
The strategic logic now favours localised co-production rather than direct imports, aligning Moscow’s defence cooperation with India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative.
The Indo-Russia Rifles Private Limited (IRRPL) joint venture has been established and it has started production of AK-203 rifles in India under “Make in India” initiative. The rate of production needs to go up and the same could be discussed at delegation level.
India and Russia have recently signed the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement (RELOS) to facilitate military cooperation, allowing both nations’ armed forces to use each other’s bases and facilities for logistical support. India must use this to increase access to the Arctic region. India and Russia are trying to push the International North-South Transport Corridor, the Chennai-Vladivostok Maritime Corridor, and the Polar Route. This should form part of the final joint declaration. There will surely be discussions on oil trade.
There will be a Russian-Indian effort to “infuse a sense of purpose into their bilateral engagement, which has been under external pressures, and, above all, to find ways to build a multipolar global order.” The two countries had made clear that their partnership is “not directed against another state or group of states.” Moscow is no longer backing New Delhi against possible provocations from China and Pakistan and that India now sees itself as free to pursue much improved relations with the United States.
A long-term energy architecture insulated from sanctions, including LNG and LPG expansion, upstream investment, dedicated shipping lines, and rupee–rouble style settlement systems may be discussed.
On the strategic resources front, both sides are negotiating a partnership on critical minerals, particularly lithium and rare earths — to support India’s semiconductor manufacturing and electric-vehicle ecosystem. Another major forward-looking initiative that could be discussed is a labour-mobility arrangement enabling Indian skilled workers and professionals to take up roles in Russia’s infrastructure and construction sectors, a model that mirrors the ones with Japan and Israel.
Behind the scenes, Kremlin aide Yuri Ushakov has already described the trip as “extremely grand” and “fruitful in every sense,” underscoring Moscow’s intention to shape headlines beyond symbolism and use the visit for substantive geopolitical messaging. Russia seeks to ensure that India remains a long-term partner amid tightening Western sanctions, while India must secure national interests independent of fluctuating great-power moods. The visit will generate outcomes that go beyond symbolic optics, sending calibrated signals to Washington, Beijing, and European capitals about India’s strategic autonomy. Moscow will also like to showcase New Delhi as proof that Russia retains meaningful partnerships outside China’s geopolitical umbrella. Putin’s visit is poised to reinforce Russia’s position as a “time-tested partner” in India, the foreign policies consistency.
Indian military’s hardware umbilical cord, including spare and repairs, with Russia will continue for decades to come. India will seek simpler procedures and faster deliveries. As the Russian Ambassador to India Nikolay Kudashev said recently, “Sky is limit for expansion of Russia-India Partnership.”
Note: The article was originally written by the Author for The First Post on, December 3rd, 2025, it has since been updated.
Header Picture Credit: Reuters
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