SCO Summit Outcomes Vs Expectations – Also How the West Looks at the SCO

Airpowerasia, Anil Chopra, SCO Summit Outcomes Vs Expectations – Also How the West Looks at the SCO

The 26th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, concluded with the adoption of the historic Bishkek Declaration signed on September 1, 2026. The 13 key outcome agreements focused on security, counter-terrorism, and digital cooperation. It consolidated member positions on regional stability and development.

The SCO is a political, economic, and security grouping founded in 2001 by China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. The bloc now has 10 full member states with the addition of Belarus, India, Iran, and Pakistan. The Observer States are Afghanistan and Mongolia. The SCO framework is essentially a permanent Eurasian intergovernmental and regional cooperation organisation focused on security, counter-terrorism, and economic and political collaborations.

The Universal Centre for Countering Security Threats was approved as a new regulatory framework to improve transnational coordination against terrorism, extremism, and organised crime. It was agreed to officially adopt English as an SCO working language. The broad agreements included over 20 specific decisions and four Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) spanning climate action and digital connectivity. A specific cooperation programme to combat drug trafficking and addiction was extended through 2030.

Observers expected leaders to push for stronger security coordination against regional threats. Experts looked for enhanced trade connectivity and energy partnerships across Central Asia. Analysts anticipated that China and Russia would use the summit to project an alternative to Western institutions, while India aimed to balance major power ties. The summit served as a prominent venue for major Eurasian powers, including China and Russia, to advocate for a multipolar global framework as an alternative to Western-dominated financial and institutional systems.

Member states pushed for enhanced logistical connectivity, regional anti-terror cooperation via the RATS (Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure), and mechanisms to counter the pressure of unilateral economic sanctions.

While the Summit did deliver outcomes, deep regional rivalries continue to limit the group’s real-world strategic impact. Although China and Russia pushed for regional solidarity, underlying tensions—such as India-China and India-Pakistan friction—meant the group remained high on symbolic unity rather than functioning as a binding security treaty.

India’s Expectations, Approach and Outcomes

India‘s expectations and focus were “Zero Tolerance on Terror”. During plenary sessions, Prime Minister Narendra Modi delivered a firm message against cross-border and state-sponsored terrorism, emphasising that double standards are ineffective—an assertion made with regional counterparts present. The security-related decision assumes significance as Modi addressed the summit in the presence of Pakistani counterpart Shehbaz Sharif, Chinese President Xi Jinping, and other leaders, and called on the grouping to confront countries using terrorism as an “instrument of state policy“. “We must send a strong message to countries that use terrorism as an instrument of policy and provide haven and support to terrorists that terrorism can never be a strategic asset for anyone,” Modi said. The prime minister urged the SCO to work unitedly to “dismantle the entire ecosystem” of terrorist financing, recruitment, radicalisation, and safe havens, and reject “double standards” in the fight against terrorism—remarks widely viewed as a direct swipe at Pakistan.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on Tuesday also highlighted a decision approving regulations for the executive committee of the SCO Anti-Narcotics Centre, which would facilitate closer coordination among member states against cross-border narcotics trafficking and narco-terrorism. A programme on combating drug addiction and another on the proliferation of synthetic drugs and their precursors, which would run up to 2030, were also among the 13 outcomes. The first programme seeks to facilitate the exchange of best practices in prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation, while the second aims to improve information-sharing and operational coordination among enforcement agencies.

There were broader SCO initiatives on Energy, Climate, and AI. The MEA also listed statements on cooperation in energy conservation and energy efficiency, and on the development of energy systems. These provide scope for the exchange of technology, experience, and best practices, and cooperation in modernising and strengthening the resilience of energy systems, the MEA said.

An SCO statement on assisting states affected by emergencies was also highlighted. It provides for the sharing of expertise and capacity-building in disaster management and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on cooperation in combating climate change was signed, which provides a platform for cooperation on climate adaptation and mitigation, climate-resilient development, and technology. An MoU between authorised agencies of SCO member states on cooperation in the field of information was also among the outcomes. It is aimed at promoting institutional exchanges and wider dissemination of India‘s perspectives and initiatives within the SCO information space.

Another outcome is a protocol on amendments and additions to the SCO Charter, which enables India to participate in shaping the grouping’s evolving institutional framework and supports the inclusion of English within the SCO framework. There was an MoU on cooperation in the field of artificial intelligence. It provides scope for India to share its digital and AI experience, promote responsible and inclusive use of AI, and expand technology and innovation partnerships within the SCO.

PM Modi pushed for a three-pillar framework (security, connectivity, and opportunity), strongly advocating to dismantle terror ecosystems and eliminate double standards on cross-border terrorism. He used the multilateral forum to deepen diplomatic and economic outreach across Central Asia. PM Modi highlighted India‘s strategy of multi-alignment and an independent foreign policy.

India’s Bilateral Talks

PM Modi engaged with Chinese President Xi Jinping, continuing diplomatic momentum following previous engagements. Discussions centred on border de-escalation, easing visa rules, resuming direct flights, and addressing India‘s trade deficit.

Modi met with Russian President Vladimir Putin to reaffirm bilateral ties, discuss cooperation on energy and trade, and exchange views on peaceful diplomatic efforts regarding the conflict in Ukraine.

Modi held sideline meetings with leaders from Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and other participating nations to review regional connectivity and bilateral economic cooperation.

Strategic Autonomy: By actively participating in the SCO while maintaining robust partnerships through Western-leaning platforms like the Quad, India demonstrated its commitment to strategic autonomy and avoiding bloc politics.

How Does the West Look at the SCO Summit?

The West largely views the SCO summit as a challenge to the Western-led global order and an alternative diplomatic space where rival powers like China, Russia, and Iran project unity and project an image of defying Western sanctions. Western analysts see the SCO as a vehicle for Beijing and Moscow to promote a multipolar world and bypass Western-dominated financial and political frameworks.

The West notes with concern how joint declarations (like the Bishkek Declaration) explicitly slam Western sanctions and actions against members like Iran and Russia.

Washington closely watches India‘s participation, viewing New Delhi‘s presence as part of its multi-alignment strategy to balance strong ties with Western democracies against its regional Eurasian and economic interests with SCO members. While Russia and Iran lean into the bloc to counter isolation, the West debates whether the SCO functions as a cohesive anti-Western military alliance or a loose, pragmatic forum driven by individual national interests.

SCO Relations with the West

The United States applied for observer status in the SCO, but was rejected in 2005. From 2001 to 2008, the Western reaction to the SCO was generally scepticism of the organisation’s goals. By the 2010s, however, the West increasingly began to view the SCO as a potential contributor to stability in the region, particularly with regard to Afghanistan. In September 2023, the United Nations approved United Nations resolution A/77/L.107, titled “Cooperation between the United Nations and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.” The result of the vote was 80 in favour,2 against, with 47 abstentions. The United States and Israel were the only countries to vote against the resolution.

Although the European Council on Foreign Relations dubbed the SCO an “anti-NATO alliance” in 2022, apparent inconsistencies among its member states have prevented it from becoming an effective geopolitical alliance. As of July 2023, India and Central Asian countries maintained friendly cooperation with both the West and Russia; meanwhile, India has had fierce conflicts with Pakistan and its ally China at the same time, which has been limiting the possibility of China and Russia forming the group into an anti-Western bloc.

How Does Global South View SCO?

The Global South views the SCO as a crucial platform for promoting multi-polarity, strategic autonomy, and an alternative voice in global governance outside of traditional Western-led frameworks. Many nations see the SCO as a vital force in breaking away from a single-superpower or Western-dominated international order, allowing developing countries greater representation. The “Shanghai Spirit“—which emphasises consultation, mutual benefit, and non-interference—resonates deeply with countries seeking partnerships based on equality rather than hierarchy and dependency. The bloc provides a practical venue for connectivity, infrastructure development, and regional security cooperation, even among nations with diverse political systems or internal rivalries.

While some major participants like China and Russia frame the SCO as a counterweight to Western hegemony, other members like India prefer the organisation to focus on practical regional cooperation without turning into a rigid, anti-Western military or ideological alliance.

Independent Currency Initiatives

At the 2007 SCO summit, Iranian vice president Parviz Davoodi addressed an initiative that had been garnering greater interest when he said, “The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is a good venue for designing a new banking system which is independent from international banking systems“. During the 2019 Bishkek summit, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan suggested taking steps to trade in local currencies instead of US dollars and setting up financial institutions including an SCO bank. In June 2022, Iran‘s Deputy Foreign Minister for Economic Diplomacy Mehdi Safari suggested creating a single SCO currency to facilitate trade and financial transactions among SCO members.

Countries Showing Interest in Joining the SCO

In 2010, the SCO approved a procedure for admitting new members. In 2011, Turkey applied for dialogue partner status, which it obtained in 2013. At the same time, Turkey is a NATO member and a European Union candidate country. Turkish prime minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has stated that he has discussed the possibility of abandoning Turkey‘s candidacy for accession to the European Union in return for full membership in the SCO. This was reinforced again on 21 November 2016, after the European Parliament voted unanimously to suspend accession negotiations with Turkey. Two days later, on 23 November 2016, Turkey was granted the chairmanship ofthe SCO energy club for the 2017 period. That made Turkey the first country to chair a club in the organisation without full membership status. In 2022, at the 22nd summit of the SCO, the Turkish president said that Turkey would seek full SCO membership status. On 11 July 2024, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stated in a statement to the US Newsweek magazine that they did not consider Turkey‘s membership in NATO as an alternative to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and BRICS.

In 2011, Vietnam expressed interest in obtaining observer status (but has not applied for it). Vietnamese PM Pham Minh Chinh attended the largest-ever SCO summit in history in Tianjin from August 31 to September 1, 2025. On April 17, 2026, it was reported that during a state visit to China by Vietnamese President Tô Lâm, Vietnam “expressed its readiness to maintain exchanges on the possibility of becoming a partner of the SCO.”

Azerbaijan expects to receive observer status according to Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry spokesperson Aykhan Hajizada. Azerbaijan will probably become a full member of the SCO in a little while, President of the Republic of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said during his meeting with President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev on 3 July 2024 in Astana.

During the 2025 Tianjin SCO summit, CCP general secretary Xi Jinping met Burmese military ruler Min Aung Hlaing to express his support for promoting Myanmar to become a full member.

SCO and NATO Military and Economic Strengths

NATO is a unified military alliance with superior global power projection and defence spending, whereas the SCO is a Eurasian security and economic partnership with massive manpower and regional influence but no collective defence treaty. NATO was formed in 1949 as a collective defence pact, where an attack on one member is treated as an attack on all (Article 5). The SCO, founded in 2001, is built on consensus, non-alignment, and regional cooperation rather than mutual military defence. NATO features a unified military command structure, standardised weapons, and integrated training. It excels in power projection, maritime power, and long-range logistics. NATO accounts for over 70% of total global military spending. NATO leads in advanced defence technology, aerospace, precision weapons, and nuclear readiness.

The SCO represents a huge portion of the world’s population and includes major nuclear-armed states like China, Russia, India, and Pakistan. The SCO has strong geographical proximity and land control across Eurasia. But it lacks a joint military command or collective defence obligations. It has never engaged in joint military combat or a peacekeeping operation, focusing instead on counter-terrorism intelligence sharing via its Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure.

NATO possesses a much higher collective Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita and technological ecosystems that are backed by deeply integrated Western financial and banking systems. The SCO represents around 40% of the world’s population and a massive share of global GDP, fuelled heavily by the rapid economic growth of China and India. China provides massive industrial mass production, while Russia supplies vital energy and raw materials. The bloc is less economically integrated than NATO, though members continue discussions regarding alternative trade frameworks and infrastructure financing to reduce dollar dependence.

To Summarise

The SCO has not provided military support in any actual conflicts. However, as of 2017, military exercises have regularly been conducted among members to promote cooperation and coordination against terrorism and other external threats, and to maintain regional peace and stability. In 2010, Russian defence minister Sergei Ivanov said that the exercises would be transparent and open to media and the public.

While the world remains actively at war, the forum became a place to engage Russia and Iran, both of which are in long-drawn-out conflicts. PM Modi urged that the era of wars is over and there is a need for engagement.

PM Modi also urged SCO members to confront countries using terrorism as state policy and dismantle terrorist ecosystems, a clear message against Pakistan. Key agreements include strengthening cooperation against narcotics trafficking, organised crime, and promoting information sharing. The summit outcomes also cover cooperation in energy efficiency, disaster management, climate change, and artificial intelligence. The Bishkek Declaration and amendments to the SCO Charter provided India a platform to articulate its regional positions.

The SCO 2027 Summit is planned in Islamabad, Pakistan.

Header Picture Credit: Representative Image Generated using AI

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Published by Anil Chopra

I am the founder of Air Power Asia and a retired Air Marshal from the Indian Air Force.

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